【英】1869年巴枯宁起草《国际兄弟同盟》章程 The Program of the International Brotherhood_Michail Bakunin

Michail Bakunin

The Program of the
International Brotherhood

1869

 

The Anarchist Library

 

All the evidence indicates that the secret “International Brotherhood, ” also
called “Secret Alliance,” was formally dissolved early in 1869. In reply to ac-
cusations made by the General Council of the International, both Bakunin and
Guillaume denied its existence. There was undoubtedly an informal group of ad-
herents to Bakunin’s ideas, but as a formal organization, says Guillaume, “[the
International Brothers] existed only theoretically in Bakunin’s brain as a kind
of dream indulged in with delight. . . ” But this does not lessen the importance
of the ideas formulated in the program which Bakunin wrote for it.

While the Program does not cover all the subjects discussed in the Revo-
lutionary Catechism, it contains a more precise and advanced formulation of
Bakunin’s ideas about revolutionary strategy; about the expropriation of private,
Church, and State property, and its transfer into the collective property of fed-
erated workers ‘ industrial and agricultural associations; faith in the creative
capacity of the masses; revolutionary violence and terrorism; revolution by a
centralized “socialist” state; and above all, the tasks of the anarchist vanguard
movement (International Brotherhood) in the Social Revolution.

* * *

 

The association of the International Brothers desires a revolution that shall
be at the same time universal, social, philosophical, and economic, so that no
stone may remain unturned, in all of Europe first, and then in the rest of the
world, to change the present order of things founded on property on exploita-
tion, domination, and the principle of authority be it religious, metaphysical,
and doctrinaire in the bourgeois manner or even revolutionary in the Jacobin
manner. Calling for peace for the workers and liberty for all, we want to destroy
all the states and all the churches, with all their institutions and their religious,
political, financial, juridical, police, educational, economic, and social laws, so
that all these millions of wretched human beings, deceived, enslaved, tormented,
exploited, may be released from all their official and officious directors and bene-
factors — both associations and individuals — and at last breathe in complete
freedom.

Convinced as we are that individual and social evil resides much less in in-
dividuals than in the organization of material things and in social conditions,
we will he humane in our actions, as much for the sake of justice as for practical
considerations, and we will ruthlessly destroy what is in our way without endan-
gering the revolution. We deny society’s free will and its alleged right to punish,
justice itself, taken in its widest, most humane sense, is but an idea, so to say,
which is not an absolute dogma; it poses the social problem but it does not
think it out. It merely indicates the only possible road to human emancipation,
that is the humanization of society by liberty in equality. The positive solution
can be achieved only by an increasingly rational organization of society. This
solution, which is so greatly desired, our ideal for all, is liberty, morality, intel-
ligence, and the welfare of each through the solidarity of all: human fraternity,
in short.

Every human individual is the involuntary product of a natural and social
environment within which he is born, and to the influence of which he continues
to submit as he develops. The three great causes of all human immorality are:

 

2

 

political, economic, and social inequality; the ignorance resulting naturally from
all this; and the necessary consequence of these, slavery.

Since the social organization is always and everywhere the only cause of
crimes committed by men, the punishing by society of criminals who can never
be guilty is an act of hypocrisy or a patent absurdity. The theory of guilt
and punishment is the offspring of theology, that is, of the union of absurdity
and religious hypocrisy. The only right one can grant to society in its present
transitional state is the natural right to kill in self-defense the criminals it has
itself produced, but not the right to judge and condemn them This cannot,
strictly speaking, be a right, it can only be a natural, painful, but inevitable
act, itself the indication and outcome of the impotence and stupidity of present-
day society. The less society makes use of it, the closer it will come to its real
emancipation. All the revolutionaries, the oppressed, the sufferers, victims of
the existing social organization, whose hearts are naturally filled with hatred
and a desire for vengeance, should bear in mind that the kings, the oppressors,
exploiters of all kinds, are as guilty as the criminals who have emerged from
the masses; like them, they are evildoers who arc not guilty, since they, too, are
involuntary products of the present social order. It will not be surprising if the
rebellious people kill a great many of them at first. This will be a misfortune,
as unavoidable as the ravages caused by a sudden tempest, and as quickly over;
but this natural act will be neither moral nor even useful.

History has much to teach us on this subject. The dreadful guillotine of
1793, which cannot be reproached with having been idle or slow, nevertheless
did not succeed in destroying the French aristocracy. The nobility was indeed
shaken to its roots, though not completely destroyed, but this was not the work
of the guillotine; it was achieved by the confiscation of its properties. In general,
we can say that carnage was never an effective means to exterminate political
parties; it was proved particularly ineffective against the privileged classes, since
power resides less in men themselves than in the circumstances created for men
of privilege by the organization of material goods, that is, the institution of the
State and its natural basis, individual property.

Therefore, to make a successful revolution, it is necessary to attack condi-
tions and material goods; to destroy property and the State. It will then become
unnecessary to destroy men and be condemned to suffer the sure and inevitable
reaction which no massacre has ever failed and ever will fail to produce in every
society.

It is not surprising that the Jacobins and the Blanquists — who became
socialists by necessity rather than by conviction, who view socialism as a means
and not as the goal of the revolution, since they desire dictatorship and the
centralization of the State, hoping that the State will lead them necessarily to
the reinstatement of property — dream of a bloody revolution against men,
inasmuch as they do not desire the revolution against property. But such a
bloody revolution, based on the construction of a powerfully centralized revolu-
tionary State, would inevitably result in military dictatorship and a new master.
Hence the triumph of the Jacobins or the Blanquists would be the death of the
revolution.

We are the natural enemies of such revolutionaries — the would — be dicta-
tors, regulators, and trustees of the revolution — who even before the existing
monarchical, aristocratic, and bourgeois states have been destroyed, already
dream of creating new revolutionary states, as fully centralized and even more

 

3

 

despotic than the states we now have. These men are so accustomed to the
order created by an authority, and feel so great a horror of what seems to
them to be disorder but is simply the frank and natural expression of the life
of the people, that even before a good, salutary disorder has been produced
by the revolution they dream of muzzling it by the act of some authority that
will be revolutionary in name only, and will only be a new reaction in that
it will again condemn the masses to being governed by decrees, to obedience,
to immobility, to death; in other words, to slavery and exploitation by a new
pseudo-revolutionary aristocracy.

What we mean by revolution is an outburst of what today is called “evil
passions” and the destruction of the so-called public order.

We do not fear anarchy, we invoke it. For we are convinced that anarchy,
meaning the unrestricted manifestation of the liberated life of the people, must
spring from liberty, equality, the new social order, and the force of the revolution
itself against the reaction. There is no doubt that this new life — the popular
revolution — will in good time organize itself, but it will create its revolution-
ary organization from the bottom up, from the circumference to the center, in
accordance with the principle of liberty, and not from the top down or from the
center to the circumference in the manner of all authority. It matters little to
us if that authority is called Church, Monarchy, constitutional State, bourgeois
Republic, or even revolutionary Dictatorship. We detest and reject all of them
equally as the unfailing sources of exploitation and despotism.

The revolution as we understand it will have to destroy the State and all the
institutions of the State, radically and completely, from its very first day. The
natural and necessary consequences of such destruction will be:

1. the bankruptcy of the State

2. the discontinuance of payments of private debts through the intervention of
the State, leaving to each debtor the right to pay his own debts if he so
desires

3. the discontinuance of payments of all taxes and of the levy of any contribu-
tions, direct or indirect

4. the dissolution of the arms, the judicial system, the bureaucracy, the police,
and the clergy

5. the abolition of official justice, the suspension of everything called juridically
the law, and the carrying out of these laws; consequently, the abolition and
burning of all titles to property, deeds of inheritance, deeds of sale, grants, of
all lawsuits — in a word, all the judicial and civil red tape; everywhere and in
all things, the revolutionary fact replacing the right created and guaranteed
by the State

6. the confiscation of all productive capital and of the tools of production for
the benefit of workers’ associations, who will have to have them produced
collectively

7. the confiscation of all the property owned by the Church and the State as well
as the precious metals owned by individuals, for the benefit of the federative
Alliance of all the workers’ associations, which will constitute the commune.

 

4

 

(In return for the goods which have been confiscated, the commune will give
the strict necessities of life to all the individuals so dispossessed, and they
will later gain more by their own labor if they can and if they wish.)

8. for the purpose of effecting the organization of the revolutionary commune
by permanent barricades, and the office of a council of the revolutionary com-
mune by the delegation of one or two deputies for each barricade, one per
street or per district, there will be provided deputies invested with imper-
ative, always responsible, and always revocable mandates. The communal
council thus organized will be able to choose, from its own members, execu-
tive committees, one for each branch of the revolutionary administration of
the commune

9. declaration by the capital city, rebellious and organized as a commune, to
the effect that, having destroyed the authoritarian, controlled State, which
it had the right to do, having been enslaved just like all the other localities,
it therefore renounces the right, or rather any claim, to govern the provinces

10. an appeal to all the provinces, communes, and associations to let everything
go and follow the example set by the capital: first, to reorganize themselves on
a revolutionary basis, then to delegate their deputies, likewise invested with
imperative, responsible, and revocable mandates, to a set meeting place, for
the purpose of constituting the federation of associations, communes, and
provinces which have rebelled in the name of the same principles, and in
order to organize a revolutionary force capable of overcoming the reaction.
There will be no dispatching of official revolutionary commissars with ribbons
decorating their chests but revolutionary propagandists will be sent to all
the provinces and communes, particularly to the peasants, who cannot be
excited to rebellion by principles or decrees of a dictatorship but solely by
the revolutionary fact itself; that is, by the inevitable consequences in all
the communes of the complete cessation of the juridical official life of the
State. Also, the abolition of the national state in the sense that any foreign
country, province, commune, association, or even an isolated individual, that
may have rebelled in the name of the same principles will be received into
the revolutionary federation regardless of the present frontiers of the states,
although they may belong to different political or national systems; and
their own provinces, communes, associations, or individuals who defend the
reaction will be excluded. It is through the expansion and organization of
the revolution for mutual defense of the rebel countries that the universality
of the revolution, founded upon the abolition of frontiers and on the ruins of
the states, will triumph.

No political or national revolution can ever triumph unless it is transformed
into a social revolution, and unless the national revolution, precisely because
of its radically socialist character, which is destructive of the State, becomes
a universal revolution. Since the Revolution must everywhere be achieved by
the people, and since its supreme direction must always rest in the people,
organized in a free federation of agricultural and industrial associations, the new
revolutionary State, organized from the bottom up by revolutionary delegations
embracing all the rebel countries in the name of the same principles, irrespective
of old frontiers and national differences, will have as its chief objective the

 

5

 

administration of public services, not the governing of peoples. It will constitute
the new party, the alliance of the universal revolution, as opposed to the alliance
of the reaction.

This revolutionary alliance excludes any idea of dictatorship and of a con-
trolling and directive power. It is, however, necessary for the establishment of
this revolutionary alliance and for the triumph of the Revolution over reaction
that the unity of ideas and of revolutionary action find an organ in the midst
of the popular anarchy which will be the life and the energy of the Revolution.
This organ should be the secret and universal association of the International
Brothers.

This association has its origin in the conviction that revolutions are never
made by individuals or even by secret societies. They make themselves; they
are produced by the force of circumstances, the movement of facts and events.
They receive a long preparation in the deep, instinctive consciousness of the
masses, then they burst forth, often seemingly triggered by trivial causes. All
that a well-organized society can do is, first, to assist at the birth of a revolution
by spreading among the masses ideas which give expression to their instincts,
and to organize, not the army of the Revolution — the people alone should
always be that army — but a sort of revolutionary general staff, composed of
dedicated, energetic, intelligent individuals, sincere friends of the people above
all, men neither vain nor ambitious, but capable of serving as intermediaries
between the revolutionary idea and the instincts of the people.

There need not be a great number of these men. One hundred revolutionar-
ies, strongly and earnestly allied, would suffice for the international organization
of all of Europe. Two or three hundred revolutionaries will be enough for the
organization of the largest country.

 

G

 

The Anarchist Library

October 17, 2009

 

Anti-Copyright .
http:/ /thcanarchistlibrary.org
Author: Michail Bakunin
Title: The Program of the International
Brotherhood
Publication date: 1869

 

Retrieved on February 24th, 2009 from
http: / / www.marxists.org/reference / archive/bakunin / works /1869 / program.htm
Source: Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971.

米哈伊爾·亞歷山德羅維奇·巴枯寧(俄語:Михаил Александрович Бакунин,IPA:[mʲɪxɐˈil ɐlʲɪkʲsɐnʲtrəˈfit͡ɕ bɐˈkunʲɪn],1814年5月30日-1876年7月13日),俄國思想家革命家社會主義者無政府主義者集體無政府主義思想創立者。他被認為是無政府主義最具影響力的人物之一,是革命社會主義社會無政府主義理論的主要創立者[4]。巴枯寧作為革命者的威望也使他成為歐洲最著名的思想家之一,他的思想影響了許多俄國和歐洲的激進分子。

巴枯寧在特維爾省普里亞穆赫諾家庭莊園中長大。他自1840年起開始在莫斯科上學,然後在柏林繼續學習並希望進入學術界。後來在巴黎他遇到了卡爾·馬克思皮埃爾-約瑟夫·普魯東,他們對他產生了極大的影響。巴枯寧隨後越來越激進,不再希望進入學術界當教授。隨後他因反對俄國占領波蘭而被驅逐出法國。1849年,他在德勒斯登居住時因曾在捷克參與1848年的叛亂又被驅逐回俄國,隨後先是被俄羅斯當局囚禁在聖彼得堡,從1854年起又被改囚於什利塞爾堡要塞,最後於1857年被流放到西伯利亞。他通過日本逃到美國,然後去了倫敦,在那裡他與亞歷山大·伊萬諾維奇·赫爾岑一起為《鍾》雜誌撰寫文章。1863年,巴枯寧動身前往波蘭參與當地的起義,但他最終並未抵達波蘭,而是在瑞士和義大利間活動。

1868年,巴枯寧加入了國際工人協會,導致無政府主義派的影響力迅速增長。1872年的海牙大會被巴枯寧派和馬克思派之間的鬥爭所主導,馬克思是國際工人協會總委員會的關鍵人物,主張利用國家來實現社會主義。另一方面,巴枯寧和無政府主義派主張用在工作場所的自治和公社的聯合體來取代國家。由於巴枯寧無法進入荷蘭,無政府主義派在他缺席的情況下輸掉了海牙大會上的辯論。馬克思因認為巴枯寧在國際工人協會內組建了一個秘密組織而將後者開除出協會,隨後巴枯寧於1872年創立了反權威主義協會。巴枯寧自1870年開始撰寫更長的著作,如《國家制度和無政府狀態》和《上帝與國家》,且他繼續親自參與歐洲工人和農民運動。1870年,他參與了法國里昂的一次叛亂。巴枯寧曾試圖參加義大利博洛尼亞的無政府主義叛亂,但他不斷變糟的健康狀況迫使他返回瑞士。1876年,巴枯寧於瑞士伯爾尼去世。

巴枯寧因在無政府主義發展中起到了重要作用而被人們銘記,他反對馬克思主義無產階級專政,且預言馬克思主義的政權將對無產階級進行專政而非由無產階級進行專政。他的《上帝與國家》一書已被翻譯至多種語言,至今仍在發行。在歷史上,巴枯寧的思想對彼得·阿列克謝耶維奇·克魯泡特金埃里科·馬拉泰斯塔赫伯特·馬爾庫塞愛德華·帕爾默·湯普森尼爾·波茲曼亞歷山大·薩瑟蘭·尼爾等思想家以及世界產業工人等工團主義組織、西班牙內戰中的無政府主義者和參與現代反全球化運動當代無政府主義者產生了重要影響[5]。巴枯寧的思想今日仍影響著諾姆·喬姆斯基等無政府主義者[6]

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